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College Students, Embrace Your Spotlight!

It’s already nearing the end of August, and for those on a regular academic schedule, that means school and lectures and parties you have to attend. But no fear! KoreAm is here to help you ease back into your semesters, quarters or what have you.

Going to college is all about meeting the right people, whether it be the right friends, roommates, professors, study buddies or BP partner. But usually, that’s limited to where you’re able to go. Why not get a head start with our new feature, Student Spotlight?

In the vein of I Am KoreAm, Student Spotlight is geared specifically for college and university students. We figured with tens of thousands of Korean American and Korean international students spread across the United States, they’d want a way to connect with others–as well as see what’s going on outside of their own bubble.

If you’re a current student and would like to participate, send an email to KoreAm.U@iamkoream.com with the subject heading “STUDENT SPOTLIGHT.” Please include your full name, class year, institution name and major. Then, complete this sentence: “I am proud to be a [school mascot] because…”

If selected, we will send you a questionnaire along with a few more details.

koreamU

Student Spotlight is the precursor to our upcoming online extension, KoreAm U! We will be announcing more news about that shortly, so keep your eyes and ears peeled.

Class of 2014, did you just miss the cut? Alumni, do you feel left out? No worries! Check out KoreAm’s Alumni Catalogue! For everyone else, check out our I Am KoreAm feature!

Cul-Film-0714-Impact-NEW

Asian Americans: The New White?

Asian Americans are held up as the great success story, on the fast track to assimilation. But this has put us at the center of the debate about fairness in this country, raising the question: Are we becoming white?

story by Eugene Yi
photo illustration by SUEJEAN AHN
photo by MIKE LEE

In 1922, Takao Ozawa, a Japanese man who had lived in the U.S. for decades, sued the federal government to be considered white. His application for citizenship had been rejected, as naturalization was only offered to “free white persons,” “aliens of African nativity” and “persons of African descent.” In his case, Ozawa mentioned the similarities in skin tone between his and a white person’s, as well as his loyalty. He wrote, “In name, Benedict Arnold was an American, but at heart he was a traitor. In name, I am not an American, but at heart I am a true American.”

Ozawa’s case wound up before the Supreme Court, which did not, in the end, think Ozawa could be considered white. The result must not have been a surprise, coming as it did during the age of the Chinese Exclusion Act, the yellow peril and Yellow Peril, an influential 1911 book which argued that, in fulfillment of the Book of Revelations, Jesus Christ would descend from heaven to protect the “Occident” against marauding hordes of Chinese, Japanese, Indian and Korean people.

Ninety-two years later, the boundaries of whiteness appear to have grown more generous. A few months ago, the Washington Post ran an op-ed called “How the Asians Became White.” UCLA law professor Eugene Volokh opined on coverage of the diversity numbers of the employees at Google. The New York Times had earlier written that Silicon Valley remained a “white man’s world.” But, Volokh noted, while there is a lack of black and Latino employees, Google was actually less white than the American workforce as a whole, and far more Asian, with about a third of the employees of Asian descent. Volokh sagely wrote that he’d been observing that type of oversight for some time, and quoted himself from something he’d written prior on the topic. This one, from 1998: “To some extent, this sort of mistake is funny and even a bit heartwarming. The racial divisions between white and Asian, once so stark and to many almost unbridgeable, are quickly fading away.”

To have one’s ethnicity, one’s race, stripped away is nothing short of a provocation, even if it is “heartwarming.” “So what?” one might think. It’s the kind of provocation one should expect on the Internet, which runs on cats and outrage. And the “Asians becoming white” headline is nothing new. Coming from the other side of the political spectrum, ethnic studies scholar Scott Kurashige wrote in 1992 that Asian Americans were like Casper the Friendly Ghost: seen as either white or invisible. Other left-leaning columnists have made similar observations.

CS-Minority-0714-1harvardScreenshot of a website set up by the Project on Fair Representation, which seeks testimonials from people who think they were rejected by a school over race. 

So apparently, Asian Americans are basically white, or at least “honorary whites,” next in line to “become” white, a model for other minorities to follow. A comparison to European ethnic groups is often made, usually the Jews. It is, on the face of it, not an unconvincing argument. Asian Americans are immigrants also, stereotyped for having great success in this country. So great is the desire to succeed that Asian Americans are supposed to embody every stereotype of assimilation: educational attainment, loss of foreign language, intermarriage, what have you. For that, Asian Americans are noticeably overrepresented in higher education and in technological and scientific fields.

Thanks to people like Volokh, the occasional overrepresentation of Asian Americans has been cast as a question about the basic fairness of this country. It’s rare for Asian Americans to be at the center of an issue of such import; we are still often invisible, after all. But whiteness has so many connotations that it’s difficult not to be disquieted by this type of talk. More than just a political question, at its root, it is a more personal matter, one that touches on the very nature of being Asian American itself.

* * *

We all knew what the acronyms meant. Growing up in Los Angeles in the 1980s and ’90s, I heard it plenty. UCLA: University of Caucasians Lost among Asians. Or U C Lots of Asians. UCI: University of Chinese Immigrants, or University of Civics and Integras (To the millennials, those were popular with the rice-rocket set back then). A ton of Asians went to UCs, and multiple acronyms existed, which speaks to both how obvious this phenomenon was, and to the endless creativity of procrastinating students.

When my high school class started hearing back from colleges, one of my Latino classmates received acceptances from a few schools that I had not gotten into. His application essay had been a gritty account of growing up in a tough part of town, errant bullets embedded in the drywall in his childhood bedroom. Mine was an existential deconstruction of Alphaville’s 1984 new wave hit “Forever Young,” a 500-word cri de coeur set to sighing synths. Though one might be tempted to pin his better fortunes on his race, I think the essays probably say it all.

I remember we all compared admissions letters, and shared in the realization that it would be a different letter—the financial aid package—that would determine where we’d end up. The aforementioned classmate mentioned how much money he’d received in financial aid, and boasted that he could lend us some. In a fit of adolescent pique, I blurted that he shouldn’t be proud of the fact that his parents hadn’t worked as hard as mine had.

PROP 209 PROTESTAP Photo/FRANK WIESE
A file photo from Oct. 23, 1996, when UCLA students, surrounded by Los Angeles Police officers, staged a sit-in in West Los Angeles, during a protest against then-ballot Proposition 209, which ended many aspects of affirmative action in California. 

It was a brutish outburst, a dumb thing for a kid to say. I didn’t know anything about his family or their story. I certainly didn’t know anything about affirmative action. And I cringe at the memory now, because I am dismayed that it sounded so much like a talking point for anti-affirmative action activists. They argue that success is being penalized, and Asian Americans are proof of the need to do away with the consideration of race. Some cite studies remarking on the difference in average SAT scores between the races, or talk about suspiciously consistent percentages of Asian Americans in Ivy League student bodies. One recent example is a set of websites seeking testimonials of people who believe they have been rejected from a school because of their race. Set up by the Project on Fair Representation (essentially a one-man operation helmed by Edward Blum, a former investment banker and fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute), the goal is to gather enough potential plaintiffs to challenge universities that use applicants’ race and ethnicity as admissions criteria. Many of the pictures used by the websites, despite denials from Blum, feature Asian or Asian-looking people. Smelling a rat, Julianne Hing, who wrote about the effort for the progressive news website Colorlines, pointedly asked, “How do you know when you’re a pawn in someone else’s race war?”

All of this pits Asian Americans against underrepresented minorities, and is a continuation of the history of weaponizing the model minority myth. Sociologist William Petersen coined the expression “model minority” in a story he wrote in 1966 for the New York Times Magazine about the success of Japanese Americans. Indeed, it was called “Success Story, Japanese American Style.” But he didn’t evince an obvious agenda, and approached the topic with the mannered caution of a trained academic. He goes through the litany of crimes committed against Japanese Americans: discrimination, suspicion, internment, deprivation of basic rights. He allows himself to drop his objectivity only when marveling at their success, at how far they had come, “by their own almost totally unaided effort.” Petersen contrasted the Japanese American experience with that of other groups, including, interestingly, the Chinese, whom he did not see as being successful.

Kurashige, the ethnic studies scholar, wrote about the ways that the African American and Japanese American communities interacted in Los Angeles following World War II in his book, The Shifting Grounds of Race (2008). Japanese Americans returned to L.A. after the internment, and initially struggled to get back on their feet. Alliances formed between the Japanese American and African American communities to fight for common goals. But as Japanese Americans’ lot improved, tension between the two communities emerged, he argued.

“The ideological characterization of Japanese Americans as a ‘model minority’ to be integrated served to stigmatize the others as ‘problem minorities’ to be contained,” he wrote.

Criticisms of the model minority myth generally mention the widely divergent outcomes for different groups of Asians. While some groups are doing well, others lag behind, with educational outcomes and household incomes at the bottom end of the spectrum. Much academic work has been done adding needed nuance, yet the impression still exists. Sociologist Nadia Kim took her stab at trying to complicate the picture in her drily titled 2007 paper “Critical Thoughts on Asian American Assimilation in the Whitening Literature.” The paper reads like the academic equivalent of a diss track. Asian Americans, she wrote, “do not desire a white identity.” A sense of mission is readily apparent, and her language is often accusatory, full of italics and verve.

CS-Minority-0714-3saynosca5AP Photo/FRANK WIESE
Asian Americans protest a Senate Constitutional Amendment in California that would have asked voters to consider eliminating California Proposition 209’s affirmative action ban.

Regarding the 1965 law that opened up the country to immigration from Asia, and its policy of favoritism for educated professionals, she wrote it had been enacted “as if to engineer a model minority.”

Regarding intermarrying: “[C]ontrary to popular wisdom, the second largest proportion of marriages is not Asian-white couplings but interethnic marriages, that is, marriages between different Asian ethnic groups.”

Regarding financial success: Asian American poverty is at “a rate considerably higher than for white Americans.” And individual income lags behind comparable whites.

And regarding the idea “that European immigrants were once not white but later became white. Such a claim has not been conclusively supported by historians themselves.” Their whiteness was never questioned, she argues, citing a study showing that Italian Americans, unlike Takao Ozawa, were never denied citizenship. Additionally, Kim brought up the history of European ethnic groups shoring up their whiteness by literally attacking African Americans. More recent history provides troubling parallels. The tensions between Korean Americans and African Americans in the leadup to the L.A. riots in 1992 may not have been about shoring up whiteness, but it certainly created tension between Korean Americans and African Americans, adding another example to an established pattern. Proximity to whiteness is often affirmed by distance from blackness.

* * *

Affirmative action again stirred controversy in California earlier this year. I watched with great interest. Usually, it’s the white conservatives using Asian Americans to make an argument against the policy. This time, it was Asian Americans making the argument themselves.

A bill, known as Senate Constitutional Amendment 5, would have put the issue of race in college admissions back in front of the voters. The use of race has been illegal since 1998. After the ban of the use of race went into effect, admissions rates for black, Latino and Native American students dropped precipitously across the University of California system. White and Asian American rates remained largely unchanged. Student enrollment for fall 2013 in the UC system showed Asian Americans made up 40 percent of the undergraduate population, a massive overrepresentation for a group that makes up about 14 percent of the state’s population. Depending on one’ s political persuasion, one could see this as either cause to unite to increase diversity and opportunities for underrepresented minorities, or, just rewards for hard work, something to defend. It was a classic wedge issue.

An ad hoc group of mostly first-generation Chinese and South Asian Americans waged a fierce online campaign against SCA 5, full of hyperbolic language and rumors about the bill. One op-ed on the website Siliconindia called it “The Most Racist Bill in the History of California.” SCA 5 became “Skin Color Amendment 5” in other tellings. Crude pics repurposed the “I Have a Dream” speech and the image of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. to have him make the case against affirmative action from beyond the grave.

Polling data generally shows that Asian Americans strongly favor affirmative action. This had put Asian Americans in alliance with other communities of color. But in this case, these new activists’ voices were louder, and it was enough to compel several Asian American state lawmakers to back away from what they initially thought was an uncontroversial bill. Asian American Republicans sought to capitalize on the split, announcing their opposition to affirmative action.

GALICH COYNEAP Photo/MARCIO JOSE SANCHEZ
Conservative students at the University of California at Berkeley staged this “protest” of affirmative action on Feb. 26, 2003, holding a bake sale with treats priced according to the buyer’s ethnicity, gender and social status. 

I’d always wondered if or when this particular shoe would drop. Amy Chua recently made herself a celebrity as the Tiger Mom, raising model minority cubs. But she’s not stumping for education reform, or denying pee breaks in public schools to keep kids on task, or whatever. But with the protesters in California, a new reality seems to have emerged: There are Asian Americans who are willing to take the model minority myth, and march in the metaphorical streets. And if that means scuttling political orthodoxy and solidarity with other communities of color, so be it.

Instructive parallels exist in other communities. Historian Sonia Song-Ha Lee, of Washington University, wrote about the activist history of New York’s Puerto Rican community in her book, Building a Latino Civil Rights Movement. African Americans and Puerto Ricans activists often fought alongside each other until the ’70s, when the coalition started to fray. Several factors contributed to an eventual split, including the growing political influence of Puerto Ricans who had entered the middle class. Fissures started to form along class lines, according to Lee.
“The middle class was able to dominate the conversation by the ’70s. A lot of these middle-class Puerto Ricans started to prioritize job security, and started to choose narrow political goals, versus broader visions of rebuilding a new society,” she said. Some middle-class Puerto Ricans even trotted out a familiar argument: that they shared a common path with earlier waves of European immigrants, overcoming prejudice to reach an attainable American dream through bootstrapping alone. But at that point, entry into the middle class had proven elusive for the overwhelming majority of Puerto Ricans.
There are echoes of this line of thinking when Asian Americans take up the argument for merit in education. For some, status in the middle class is a birthright rather than an aspiration. Much of the SCA 5 activity was focused in the ethnic suburbs around Silicon Valley and Los Angeles, well-off parts of town with more recent immigrants from China and India who might be less interested in broader messages of solidarity. This, despite the fact that the majority of Asian Americans still support affirmative action, and that, importantly, some Asian American groups are lagging far behind others.

“I think for better or worse what we were seeing in the SCA 5 battle is … Asian Americans expressing a greater sense of agency for their own purposes, which are moving in contradictory political directions,” said Kurashige. “Therefore, we ought to expect not a simple shift in any specific direction, but some heated debates and struggles to define Asian American politics in the 21st century.”Outside of education and the tech industry, though, the issue is not as contentious, according to Vincent Pan, of the advocacy group Chinese for Affirmative Action. “Nearly all Asian Americans agree with affirmative action in employment hiring and promotion, public contracting, judicial, media and political representation—and so we can appreciate the need and benefit for affirmative action,” Pan said. “It is highly inconsistent and detrimental to abandon it with respect to higher education admissions.”

* * *

One hundred years ago, it would’ve been difficult to imagine Asian Americans having this place in the racial hierarchy to even prompt such conversations. For most of the history of Asian Americans in the U.S., violence and xenophobia ruled. The biggest mass lynching in American history happened in Los Angeles’ Chinatown in 1871, where anywhere from 15 to 21 Chinese people were killed, depending on the account. Anti-Japanese sentiment during World War II led to the internment of more than 100,000 people, mostly American citizens. In 1982, Vincent Chin, a Chinese American, was murdered during another rising tide of anti-Japanese hysteria. More recently, South Asians have been targeted and murdered following the 9/11 attacks.

“History tells us that anti-Asian discrimination won’t go away so quickly. Just because right now, we find ourselves in a semi-white position, it doesn’t mean we’ll be here forever,” said Lee, the historian. “We still hold a fairly precarious position.”

It seems anytime an Asian country becomes the enemy, Asian Americans become the target. Being an “other” in America is never far from having violent consequences. How many of us second-generation Asian Americans have held our breaths and waited for potential fall-out with every ominous “China Rising” headline or when it’s revealed that the perpetrator in some heinous crime in the U.S. is Asian? Or, for that matter, recent mass shootings that seem to be partially inspired by some very twisted neuroses rooted in being Asian?

LEEAP Photo/PAUL SANCYA
Amy Lee places flowers at the gravestone of her nephew, Vincent Chin, at a 20th anniversary memorial at Forest Lawn Cemetery in Detroit on June 23, 2002. Chin, a Chinese American, was beaten to death with a baseball bat by two unemployed autoworkers who mistook him for Japanese. 

This push-and-pull at the core of Asian American life—white/not-white, and foreigner/native—seems to have cycled over the course of American history. No matter how close to white Asian Americans might become, this perpetual foreigner status remained. For most Asians in America, after all, the experience of other-ness is seared into us. When you walk into a room, you look around and count the Asian people. It’s a defining experience for people of color in this country. And it helps explain some of the curious political behavior of Asian Americans.

Generally, one of the best indicators for political allegiance is income. By that metric, Asian Americans should be pretty Republican. But instead, Asian Americans have shown the greatest shift to the Democratic Party of any group in the last 20 years. More than three-quarters of Asian Americans voted for Obama in the last election.

“Asian American political behavior is counter to what traditional political science research would predict,” said political science professor Cecilia Hyunjung Mo, in an email interview. “Further, wealthier Asian Americans are not any more likely to vote Republican than poorer Asian Americans.” She and her colleagues conducted a series of experiments where two groups of Asian Americans were asked about their political allegiances. One group, though, was primed with what they called “racial microaggressions,” where a white lab assistant would say something all too familiar to any Asian American: “You speak good English.” “Where were you born?”

Asian Americans who had been primed with a microaggression allied themselves significantly more strongly with the Democratic Party, 87 percent to 76 percent. The results seem to indicate that not only are Asian Americans aware they are still considered to outsiders, but that one of the two political parties is perceived not to welcome outsiders. Which, incidentally, is the party most associated with xenophobia, exclusivity and a certain strain of American whiteness.

* * *

I recently attended a panel where one of the panelists, an Asian American businessman who’d worked for some of the largest firms in the country, said that if one believed in a bamboo ceiling—a limit to how far an Asian American could rise—then one must believe in the existence of a “short” ceiling, an “ugly” ceiling, a “fat” ceiling. Being Asian is, according to this telling, an overcomeable condition—nothing that a diet or some platform shoes couldn’t help with.

Many would respond by pointing to the underrepresentation of Asian Americans in the upper echelons of corporate America. But the businessman’s words make it seem as if it’s just a matter of time. As Asians, as perpetual foreigners, as “others,” we might still do our little headcounts when we walk into a room. But the rooms, for some, are getting fancier.

The criticisms of the model minority myth are myriad, and valid. But what truth there is to it must be reckoned with. If whiteness can be defined, at least partly, as the lack of impediments to success, then it might be hard not to find this aspect of whiteness readily present in the Asian American community.

CS-Minority-0714-4Time1CS-Minority-0714-4Time2
Two different Time covers that are essentially making the model minority argument—(left) the infamous 1987 “whiz kids” cover, and (right) the 2011 “tiger mom” cover. 

There is another aspect to this lack of impediment, though, one that has nothing to do with whiteness. The non-European wave of immigration that started in 1965 scrambled America’s racial logic, forcing new lines to be drawn beyond the old black/white and foreigner/native. We live in a country that’s, really, just starting to contend with the second generation of this wave of immigrants. Even though Asian Americans make up only 4 percent of the population, there are times when I marvel at how accustomed I’ve become to seeing faces that look like mine. Any reader of this publication is familiar with the ways Korean Americans are contributing to popular culture and mainstream society. There are moments when I just scratch my head in amazement, wondering, “What aren’t we doing?” There are still things to fight for, of course. Asian American men are still emasculated, as evidenced by any of the seemingly annual studies on how poorly they do in online dating. In popular media, there’ s still more Mr. Chow from the Hangover movies, than Glenn Rhee from The Walking Dead. Asian women continue to be exoticized. The consequences of “otherness” will linger, publicly through discrimination, hate crime, violence and privately, in undiagnosed ways.

There is a real phenomenon at work: the normalizing of people of color. But far from making the country post-racial, it seems to have grown hyper-racial. Two conversations are happening simultaneously: both whether, and how, race matters. The success of a person of color means either the proclamation that race doesn’t matter in American life, or the argument that one is ignoring the myriad ways it still does.

There is a reading of this phenomenon that could see this period as birth pangs of some society that is closer to some inclusive ideal. But as this post-’65 generation ages and assimilates, there is a different aspect of whiteness that comes to mind: whiteness as lacking a culture. As being “merely” American. The fear is that something essential is being lost, a sense of self and identity that goes beyond advice on Korean restaurants and maybe a word or two in the native language. The single largest ethnic group in America is from Germany. There once were literally hundreds of German-language newspapers circulating in the U.S. Now, there are barely any, and few really even think of Germans as anything but part of the white spectrum.

But different facets of whiteness don’t just fall like dominoes. Whiteness is an ill-defined complex of traits and tendencies. And it’s an actual field of study, with many universities offering classes in whiteness studies. Oft-quoted is W.E.B DuBois, the first African American to earn a Ph.D., from Harvard, and one of the foremost minds on race relations in the era just after slavery. He wrote, “The discovery of a personal whiteness among the world’s peoples is a very modern thing—a nineteenth and twentieth century matter, indeed.” The author James Baldwin, another masterful commenter on race in America, wrote in his essay “On Being White … And Other Lies,” “No one was white before he/she came to America.”

Evelyn Yoshimura, the community organizing director at the Little Tokyo Service Center, a nonprofit in L.A., told me a story once about Harry Kitano, an old lion of Asian American studies at UCLA. He used to rail that Japanese Americans were not going to be around for long. Because of their economic success, because of their assimilation, because of their rate of intermarriage, they would just be gone, integrated into the white mainstream.

At first, she said, that seemed to be the case. Japanese Americans intermarried at high rates, assimilated quickly and left Little Tokyos and Japantowns for the suburbs. Community organizations limped along, hosting their events for a dwindling number of people.

Then, some hapa kids started showing up at the annual 3-on-3 basketball tournament. Then more. Enough so that the tournament started to grow. Soon, other programs grew as well. And now, the community’s leadership programs, training sessions and their basketball leagues are bigger than ever.

No one was Asian American before they came here. Someday, Asian Americans may exist in a space independent from notions of whiteness or non-whiteness. But for now, Asian America is something being invented, every day, bit by bit, 18 million people engaging in a collective act of creation. There is yet, it seems, further to go.

Correction added: The previous version left ambiguous the degree of middle class attainment among Puerto Ricans. The wording has been changed to clarify that only a small percentage of Puerto Ricans entered the middle class and helped divide African American-Puerto Rican political alliances.

This article was published in the July 2014 issue of KoreAm. Subscribe today! To purchase a single issue copy of the June issue, click the “Buy Now” button below. (U.S. customers only. Expect delivery in 5-7 business days).



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College Student from Indiana Posts Anti-Asian Video

 

Meet Alexandra Wallce 2.0: Samuel Hendrickson, a student from Indiana University, has made a video detailing 10 reasons why he wouldn’t want to be Asian. His reasons include dating Asian women, sweatshops and math.

Since he posted it on YouTube, people have responded negatively, prompting Hendrickson to apologize,8Asians reports. He defends the video as merely humorous digs, but the “jokes” he spews are based on very real stereotypes.

Let’s be frank: racism still exists. Racist jokes aren’t funny. Because we accept racism in our everyday humor, we see the perpetuation of micro-aggressions and misconceptions. If our culture didn’t give racist jabs a green light under the guise of a “good joke,” we wouldn’t see college campuses – areas where we should be challenging and criticizing racism – “border hopping” or “ghetto” theme parties.

Why are supposedly educated individuals continuing a dialogue rooted in ignorance?

College

The Most Desirable College In Each State

It’s old news that the University of California, Los Angeles receives the most applications of any college in the country. According to higher-education information database eCollegeFinder, 72,676 students applied for admission in fall 2013.

That’s just one of the numbers in eCollegeFinder’s map that shows the most desirable college in each state based on the number of applications they received this year. Using data from the National Center for Education Statistics, eCollegeFinder compiled a map that shows an interesting mix of large state universities and prestigious private schools.

The top five colleges with the most applications are as follows:

University of California – Los Angeles – 72,676
New York University – 57,552
Pennsylvania State University – 47,552
Northeastern University – 47,364
University of Michigan – Ann Arbor – 46,813

Most Desirable College By State:

Alabama — University of Alabama
Location — Tuscaloosa, Alabama
Number of Applications Received — 30,975
Acceptance Rate — 57%
Total Undergraduates — 28,026

Alaska — University of Alaska
Location — Anchorage, Alaska
Number of Applications Received — 3,062*
Acceptance Rate — 72%
Total Undergraduates — 16,498

Arizona — University of Arizona
Location — Tucson, Arizona
Number of Applications Received — 26,329
Acceptance Rate — 77%
Total Undergraduates — 31,565

Arkansas — University of Arkansas
Location — Fayetteville, Arkansas
Number of Applications Received — 18,908
Acceptance Rate — 59%
Total Undergraduates — 20,350

California — University of California, Los Angeles
Location — Los Angeles, California
Number of Applications Received — 72,676
Acceptance Rate — 22%
Total Undergraduates — 27,941

Colorado — University of Colorado
Location — Boulder, Colorado
Number of Applications Received — 22,473
Acceptance Rate — 88%
Total Undergraduates — 25,941

Connecticut — Yale University
Location — New Haven, Connecticut
Number of Applications Received — 28,977
Acceptance Rate — 7%
Total Undergraduates — 5,405

Delaware — University of Delaware
Location — Newark, Delaware
Number of Applications Received — 25,458
Acceptance Rate — 65%
Total Undergraduates — 18,202

Florida — University of Central Florida
Location — Orlando, Florida
Number of Applications Received — 31,820
Acceptance Rate — 49%
Total Undergraduates — 51,010

Georgia — University of Georgia
Location — Athens, Georgia
Number of Applications Received — 18,458
Acceptance Rate — 56%
Total Undergraduates — 26,259

Hawaii — University of Hawaii at Manoa
Location — Honolulu, Hawaii
Number of Applications Received — 6,901
Acceptance Rate — 80%
Total Undergraduates — 14,655

Idaho — Boise State University
Location — Boise, Idaho
Number of Applications Received — 7,832
Acceptance Rate — 78%
Total Undergraduates — 19,477

Illinois — Northwestern University
Location — Evanston, Illinois
Number of Applications Received — 32,060
Acceptance Rate — 15%
Total Undergraduates — 9,376

Indiana — Indiana University
Location — Bloomington, Indiana
Number of Applications Received — 37,826
Acceptance Rate — 72%
Total Undergraduates — 32,371

Iowa — University of Iowa
Location — Iowa City, Iowa
Number of Applications Received — 21,642
Acceptance Rate — 80%
Total Undergraduates — 21,999

Kansas — University of Kansas
Location — Lawrence, Kansas
Number of Applications Received — 12,389
Acceptance Rate — 92%
Total Undergraduates — 19,169

Kentucky — University of Kentucky
Location — Lexington, Kentucky
Number of Applications Received — 19,810
Acceptance Rate — 69%
Total Undergraduates — 20,827

Louisiana — Tulane University
Location — New Orleans, Louisiana
Number of Applications Received — 30,122
Acceptance Rate — 26%
Total Undergraduates — 8,357

Maine — University of Maine
Location — Orono, Maine
Number of Applications Received — 8,306
Acceptance Rate — 81%
Total Undergraduates — 8,778

Maryland — University of Maryland
Location — College Park, Maryland
Number of Applications Received — 26,247
Acceptance Rate — 47%
Total Undergraduates — 26,538

Massachusetts — Northeastern University
Location — Boston, Massachusetts
Number of Applications Received — 47,364
Acceptance Rate — 32%
Total Undergraduates — 16,640

Michigan — University of Michigan
Location — Ann Arbor, Michigan
Number of Applications Received — 46,813
Acceptance Rate — 33%
Total Undergraduates — 27,979

Minnesota — University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
Location — Minneapolis, Minnesota
Number of Applications Received — 43,048
Acceptance Rate — 44%
Total Undergraduates — 34,469

Mississippi — University of Mississippi
Location — University, Mississippi
Number of Applications Received — 14,258
Acceptance Rate — 59%
Total Undergraduates — 16,060

Missouri — Washington University in St. Louis
Location — Saint Louis, Missouri
Number of Applications Received — 30,117
Acceptance Rate — 16%
Total Undergraduates — 7,259

Montana — Montana State University
Location — Bozeman, Montana
Number of Applications Received — 12,581
Acceptance Rate — 84%
Total Undergraduates — 12,679

Nebraska — University of Nebraska
Location — Lincoln, Nebraska
Number of Applications Received — 10,929
Acceptance Rate — 64%
Total Undergraduates — 19,103

Nevada — University of Nevada-Reno
Location — Reno, Nevada
Number of Applications Received — 7,857
Acceptance Rate — 84%
Total Undergraduates — 15,082

New Hampshire — Dartmouth College
Location — Hanover, New Hampshire
Number of Applications Received — 23,110
Acceptance Rate — 10%
Total Undergraduates — 4,193

New Jersey — Rutgers University
Location — New Brunswick, New Jersey
Number of Applications Received — 30,631
Acceptance Rate — 60%
Total Undergraduates — 31,593

New Mexico — University of New Mexico
Location — Albuquerque, New Mexico
Number of Applications Received — 11,467
Acceptance Rate — 65%
Total Undergraduates — 22,773

New York — New York University
Location — New York, New York
Number of Applications Received — 57,845
Acceptance Rate — 26%
Total Undergraduates — 22,498

North Carolina — Duke University
Location — Durham, North Carolina
Number of Applications Received — 30,374
Acceptance Rate — 13%
Total Undergraduates — 6,655

North Dakota — North Dakota State University
Location — Fargo, North Dakota
Number of Applications Received — 5,812
Acceptance Rate — 84%
Total Undergraduates — 11,988

Ohio — Ohio State University
Location — Columbus, Ohio
Number of Applications Received — 31,359
Acceptance Rate — 56%
Total Undergraduates — 43,058

Oklahoma — Oklahoma State University
Location — Stillwater, Oklahoma
Number of Applications Received — 11,064
Acceptance Rate — 76%
Total Undergraduates — 20,323

Oregon — University of Oregon
Location — Eugene, Oregon
Number of Applications Received — 21,263
Acceptance Rate — 74%
Total Undergraduates — 20,809

Pennsylvania — Pennsylvania State University
Location — University Park, Pennsylvania
Number of Applications Received — 47,552
Acceptance Rate — 54%
Total Undergraduates — 39,192

Rhode Island — Brown University
Location — Providence, Rhode Island
Number of Applications Received — 28,919
Acceptance Rate — 9%
Total Undergraduates — 6,435

South Carolina — University of South Carolina
Location — Columbia, South Carolina
Number of Applications Received — 23,429
Acceptance Rate — 61%
Total Undergraduates — 23,363

South Dakota — South Dakota State University
Location — Brookings, South Dakota
Number of Applications Received — 4,851
Acceptance Rate — 92%
Total Undergraduates — 11,118

Tennessee — Vanderbilt University
Location — Nashville, Tennessee
Number of Applications Received — 31,099
Acceptance Rate — 13%
Total Undergraduates — 6,796

Texas — University of Texas at Austin
Location — Austin, Texas
Number of Applications Received — 38,161
Acceptance Rate — 40%
Total Undergraduates — 39,955

Utah — Brigham Young University
Location — Provo, Utah
Number of Applications Received — 11,423
Acceptance Rate — 49%
Total Undergraduates — 31,060

Vermont — University of Vermont
Location — Burlington, Vermont
Number of Applications Received — 22,381
Acceptance Rate — 78%
Total Undergraduates — 11,211

Virginia — University of Virginia
Location — Charlottesville, Virginia
Number of Applications Received — 28,984
Acceptance Rate — 30%
Total Undergraduates — 15,822

Washington — University of Washington
Location — Seattle, Washington
Number of Applications Received — 30,199
Acceptance Rate — 55%
Total Undergraduates — 29,475

West Virginia — West Virginia University
Location — Morgantown, West Virginia
Number of Applications Received — 16,521
Acceptance Rate — 85%
Total Undergraduates — 22,827

Wisconsin — Marquette University
Location — Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Number of Applications Received — 23,432
Acceptance Rate — 57%
Total Undergraduates — 8,293

Wyoming — University of Wyoming
Location — Laramie, Wyoming
Number of Applications Received — 4,181
Acceptance Rate — 96%
Total Undergraduates — 10,194

Pot-KNight-0514-akadan

Welcome UC Riverside Students!

RIVERSIDE, Calif. (www.ucr.edu) — University of California, Riverside Chancellor Kim A. Wilcox helped launch a statewide crowd-sourcing science project by counting pollinators Thursday, May 1 at the UC Riverside Botanic Gardens.

University of California Cooperative Extension is coordinating the crowd-sourced science project on May 8 to commemorate the organization’s 100th anniversary. Everyone in California is invited to participate. To take part, go to http://beascientist.ucanr.edu and record observations on three questions: How many pollinators do you see? How do you conserve water? Where is food grown in your community?

Wilcox encouraged people to take a few minutes on May 8 to contribute to the project.

“Agriculture, of course, is important to the state of California and it’s our roots here at UCR,” Wilcox said Thursday morning. “And pollination is central to all the agricultural products that we have in the state.”

Cooperative Extension scientists will use the data collected to understand what’s happening to food supplies, water resources, and pollinator populations in California and to tailor future outreach and education and possibly research efforts.

May 8, 2014, is the 100th anniversary of President Woodrow Wilson signing the Smith-Lever Act, which created Cooperative Extension, a nationwide system of community-based education, established as part of each state’s land grant university. The University of California is California’s land grant university.

 

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UC Irvine Korean Culture Night Presents: ‘KOREAM NIGHT LIVE’

Live from UC Irvine, it’s KOREAM NIGHT LIVE! This year, UC Irvine Korean Culture Night presents a production exploring art, entertainment, food, identity, and everything in between. Bringing together various performances by student actors, dancers and musicians, the show is a celebration and reflection on the memories and stories that have shaped the identities of Korean Americans today.

KOREAM NIGHT LIVE: “WHO WE ARE” is an interactive production that aims to give life to the personal recollections of our community members through a fusion of comedy and theatrics. Student acts include modern dance team Urban Mótus, traditional Korean percussion group Hansori and K-pop dance team KKAP (KONNECT K-pop Aspiring Performers.

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Come join the party this Friday, May 9, at 7:30 p.m. in the Barclay Theatre at UC Irvine. Doors will open at 7 p.m. Check out the trailer after the jump.

UC Irvine Korean Culture Night (KCN), presented by KONNECT UCI and the Korean American Students Assocation (KASA), is a student run production and is the biggest collaborative effort by the Korean American student community on campus since 2011. The goal of KCN is to promote solidarity and friendship, as well as to spread awareness about and celebrate Korean and Korean American culture.

Please check the Facebook event page for information on purchasing tickets. You can buy them online at the Barclay Theatre website.

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harvardnotfair

Didn’t Get Into Harvard? Maybe It’s Because You’re Asian, Anti-Affirmative Action Campaign Suggests

Image via harvardnotfair.org

Sulking over your college rejection letter? One anti-affirmative action evangelist wants to hear from you—and make you a part of his political crusade.

Edward Blum, executive director of the conservative Project on Fair Representation, launched three websites this month in search of students who’ve been denied admission to Harvard, the University of Wisconsin-Madison or University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill. Featured on the homepage of each site are photos of studious-looking Asian Americans.

“Were you denied admission to Harvard?” the page asks. “It may be because you’re the wrong race.” (Tell that to Mom!)

As Colorlines argues in this well-reported piece, the campaign seems like a blatant attempt to convince Asian Americans that they’re victims of their own success under affirmative action policies, and then use them as political pawns. Blum aims to gather testimonials from students and eventually file a lawsuit to challenge universities that use applicants’ race and ethnicity as admissions criteria.

Asian-Americans are commonly stereotyped as universally successful, wealthy and high-achieving, and therefore make for a compelling foil to the experiences of African-Americans and Latinos. “Asian-Americans have been used over and over and over again to make the point that racism is not an insurmountable disadvantage if you’re willing to just shut up and put up and work hard enough to succeed,” says Scot Nakagawa, senior partner at the racial justice think tank ChangeLab. Blum’s campaign carries the stereotype a step further by implying that not only is affirmative action unnecessary but that it harms Asian Americans while unfairly advantaging other groups like African-Americans, Latinos and Native-Americans.

The implication obscures the fact that Asians benefit from structural advantages not granted to all communities of color, and also that not all Asian groups are successful—Hmong, Laotian and Cambodian Americans have the lowest high school attainment levels in the country. It’s the old divide-and-conquer approach—one that should be put into question.

Read the full Colorlines piece here.

College Student Extols Virtues of Thriftiness

Christine Kim is a Korean American student at the University of California, Los Angeles who has made a name for herself on campus by sharing tips with her fellow Bruins on how to save money, according to a report in the Korea Daily.

On her website, Tips to Save at UCLA, students find advice on where to go for free printers and shuttle services, as well as counseling info and which stores offer the best deals on used books. Launched in mid-July, the site has since seen some 70,000 visitors, with nearly 600 posts to date.

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The site comes as fees are rising across the board at all public and private schools in California. Kim told UCLA’s Daily Bruin that the idea began as a way for her to help her family out financially, with her sending tips and advice to friends via Facebook and Twitter. On the urging of her classmates, Kim decided to launch the site.

This article was originally published by New America Media. Reprinted with permission.

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